Rajaie Batniji Le 1er février, j’ai rencontré le secrétaire d’État américain Antony Blinken pour une discussion privée de 90 minutes sur la situation à Gaza. J’étais assis juste en face de Blinken dans une salle de réunion ornée du Département d’État. Blinken était...
« End of Occupation » No 989
« Scandale » : le dossier israélien « ne fournit aucune preuve » pour les allégations contre le personnel de l’UNRWA
«Les habitants de Gaza meurent de faim et, à cause des allégations fallacieuses formulées dans un dossier douteux, ils connaîtront une faim encore plus grave. » Jake Johnson Un dossier israélien cité par plus d'une douzaine de pays pour justifier la suppression du...
La controverse autour de l’United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) dévie l’attention de la crise humanitaire à Gaza
TRTFRANÇAIS Une vingtaine d’Organisations Non Gouvernementales (ONG), dont Oxfam et Médecins Du Monde (MDM), ont écrit qu’elles étaient choquées et révoltées par la décision irresponsable d’une douzaine de pays de couper les vivres à une population tout entière....
La Namibie et le Bangladesh sont les pays qui soutiennent le plus clairement la contestation judiciaire de l’Afrique du Sud contre Israël. Par Nosmot Gbadamosi une journaliste multimédia et rédacteur de l’hebdomadaire Africa Brief de Foreign Policy. 17 JANVIER 2024...
The final nail in the coffin of the Zionist left
By Orly Noy January 13, 2020
It’s difficult to hide a smile when considering the irony that Meretz, once the crown jewel of the “righteous” Zionist left, was last week swallowed whole by the Labor Party, now headed by two Mizrahi Israelis. Meretz, which found itself dangerously close to the election threshold, pulled out all the stops in trying to convince Labor head Amir Peretz, who previously refused the merger, to unite the two parties in a joint slate in the run-up to the upcoming elections on March 2. On Sunday, it appeared Peretz had given in to the pressure put on him by large swaths of the Zionist left.
For the sake of the merger, Meretz not only agreed to push MK Issawi Freij to the unlikely 11th spot on its list — thus turning its back on the Arab-Jewish leadership that some of its members had dreamed of — it also agreed to put someone like Yair Golan ahead of Freij, an Arab MK and longtime Meretz member, on the list. Golan, the former deputy chief of the IDF General Staff, previously said that he would take issue sitting in a government alongside members of the Joint List, while preaching to Palestinian MKs to “stop dealing so intensively with the Israel-Palestinian conflict and focus on internal matters.”
All this was done so that Meretz could join Labor, a party that, in its attempt to get votes from Israel’s underprivileged Jewish communities, has refrained from talking about the occupation and the violent control of millions of stateless people in the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem.
I do not trivialize Labor’s thinking: in a reality in which the Jewish-Israeli public is sinking deeper into nationalism, racism, and fascism, any alternative to the violence of the right — even if that alternative only speaks about social and economic issues — is a welcome change. But a party that refuses to use the word “occupation” cannot be considered a left-wing one. And a party that insists on maintaining its Zionist identity after 71 years of Jewish supremacism must rethink its designation as left wing.
The merger between Meretz and Labor has made everything clearer, and on Election Day progressive Israeli Jews will be forced to make a decision that many still find difficult. They will have to choose between various shades of Jewish supremacism or genuine civil and national equality.
The perpetual implosion of the Jewish left in Israel has caused many to internalize the necessity of Jewish-Arab partnership. Unfortunately, this has typically led to tokenizing Palestinian candidates while presenting a false symmetry between oppressor and oppressed. This strategy has been unable to forge real partnerships and enlist both new Arab supporters and new Jewish ones. And not for naught: more than 70 years later, it is time to realize that you cannot have your cake and eat it, too.
In a state in which not only the government, but the very regime itself, is built on a very clear set of privileges for one national group at the expense of the other, every step toward equality — whether civil or collective rights — must be led by the oppressed group. The privileged group must join the struggle and accept being led, otherwise it could find itself in the position of the “good master” negotiating with the “bad master” over expanding the rights of their serfs.
This step does not require giving up one’s identity or the unique interests of the majority, but it does require severing those interests from the idea of supremacy. That is, it forces Israeli Jews who want to belong to the left in its universalist form to recognize their place in the racial hierarchy that Zionism has created here, and to understand that any change must begin with one’s willingness to shed those very privileges.
Before the merger between Labour and Meretz, there were those who hoped to see Meretz (or at least parts of it) join the Joint List (or at least parts of it) to create that very vaunted Jewish-Arab party. The idea never came to fruition, and that’s a good thing for two reasons: firstly, because it is an inherently colonial act to dismantle the hard fought-for Palestinian political front for the sake of Zionists who struggle to sit alongside Palestinians who insist on speaking about both collective and civil rights. And secondly, such a merger would have created a veneer of symmetry that is light years from the Israeli reality.
The simple truth is that progressive Jewish Israelis who view themselves as left wing have no reason to vote for any party other than the Joint List. . . It is a progressive and brave vision based on full civic equality and recognition of the collective rights of the two peoples who live here. Jews who do not fear giving up on supremacy in exchange for justice should have no problem adopting this platform wholeheartedly. In fact, now it seems they have no alternative.
Orly Noy is an editor at Local Call, a political activist, and a translator of Farsi poetry and prose. She is a member of B’Tselem’s executive board and an activist with the Balad political party. Her writing deals with the lines that intersect and define her identity as Mizrahi, a female leftist, a woman, a temporary migrant living inside a perpetual immigrant, and the constant dialogue between them.
Adapted from: https://www.972mag.com/zionist-left-meretz-labor/
Distributed by PAJU (Palestinian and Jewish Unity)